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John Healey to duck meeting UK defence spending target in budget

Developed over time first seen 2 months ago

The Guardian ·

The Treasury has confirmed that John Healey will not set a timetable for the UK to spend 3% of GDP on defence in his 28 October budget, postponing the decision until next year’s spending review. The move departs from Healey’s previous call to reach the target by 2030 and highlights the government’s emphasis on fiscal discipline despite concerns about international security.

Instead, the budget will focus on fully funding the three-year defence investment plan, which has an estimated £1.2bn annual gap. Defence spending is expected to reach 2.7% of GDP by 2030, partly through aid cuts, while the government says the spending review will set a route to Nato’s 3.5% target by 2035 and a date for reaching 3%.

  • Defence spending timetable delayed until next year’s review
  • Budget will prioritise funding the defence investment plan
  • UK spending expected to reach 2.7% of GDP by 2030

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The UK’s defence budget pays for the armed forces, equipment, military bases, intelligence and support for allies. It is often measured as a share of the country’s annual economic output, known as gross domestic product or GDP.

John Healey is the defence secretary, responsible for setting out the military’s needs, while the chancellor controls government spending and taxation. Decisions on defence funding are also shaped by Nato, the alliance of European and North American countries that agrees common security goals.

The issue matters because higher defence spending can require either more borrowing, higher taxes or less money for other public services. It has become more prominent as governments reassess military readiness in response to conflicts and wider security concerns.

Both sides, in good faith

The strongest fair case each way — we don't pick a winner.

The case for

Deferring a firm timetable can be defended as responsible fiscal management: committing to 3% of GDP before the government has completed its wider spending review could force poorly targeted cuts, tax rises or borrowing. Fully funding the existing three-year investment plan first addresses an identified shortfall and gives the armed forces more credible near-term certainty. Supporters may also argue that a route towards Nato’s longer-term target, shaped by updated threats and economic conditions, is more meaningful than an ambitious date without a funded plan.

The case against

Critics can reasonably argue that the deteriorating security environment requires a clear, time-bound commitment now, especially after earlier assurances that 3% would be reached by 2030. Delaying the decision risks prolonging capability gaps, weakening procurement confidence and signalling insufficient resolve to allies and potential adversaries. They may contend that defence is a core public responsibility for which the government should make explicit fiscal choices, rather than relying on future reviews or reductions in aid to close the gap.

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